Feminist communicative action: Examining the role of "being heard" in a rehabilitation program for prostitutes
AuthorStiles, Siobahn Tara
Committee memberKitch, Carolyn L.
Jacobson, Thomas L., 1952-
Levitt, Laura, 1960-
DepartmentMedia & Communication
Permanent link to this recordhttp://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12613/3609
MetadataShow full item record
AbstractThis research project applies feminist revisions of Habermas's theory of communicative action to evaluate levels of participation in individually-based development programs through the case study of one such program. Utilizing a triangulated methodology of participant observation, interviews, and discourse analysis, combined with considerations of feminist ethical issues, this research study examines the role of dialogue and "being heard" in the recovery and rehabilitation of women who used prostitution to feed chemical addiction. I utilize a "feminist communicative action" to evaluate a unique type of development program: one aimed at individual development. In addition, this project assesses the place of human communication, emotions, and community in the sustainability of such recovery programs.
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CHANGING A SYSTEM FROM WITHIN: APPLYING THE THEORY OF COMMUNICATIVE ACTION FOR FUNDAMENTAL POLICY CHANGES IN KUWAITMorris, Nancy, 1953-; Creech, Brian; Osman, Wazhmah, 1974-; Yom, Sean L. (Temple University. Libraries, 2018)Political legitimacy is a fundamental problem in the modern state. According to Habermas (1973), current legitimation methods are losing the sufficiency needed to support political systems and decisions. In response, Habermas (1987) developed the theory of communicative action as a new method for establishing political legitimacy. The current study applies the communicative action theory to Kuwait’s current political transformation. This study addresses the nature of the foundation of Kuwait, the regional situation, the internal political context, and the current economic challenges. The specific political transformation examined in this study is a national development project known as Vision of 2035 supported by the Amir as the head of the state. The project aims to develop a third of Kuwait’s land and five islands as special economic zones (SEZ). The project requires new legislation that would fundamentally change the political and economic identity of the country. The study applies the communicative action theory in order to achieve a mutual understanding between different groups in Kuwait regarding the project’s features and the legislation required to achieve them.
Japanese University Students’ L2 Communication Frequency in Positive Classroom ClimateElwood, James Andrew; Beglar, David; Elwood, James Andrew; Beglar, David J.; Nemoto, Tomoko; Schaefer, Edward (Temple University. Libraries, 2017)The primary purpose of study is to identify predictors of willingness to communicate (WTC) and of actual frequency of English communication at work inside and outside the foreign language classroom among 439 university students (male = 226, female = 213) learning English in Japan. Based on Wen and Clément’s (2003) theory of L2 WTC, I replicated Peng and Woodrow’s (2010) structural path model using the variables of state L2 communicative confidence, L2 learning motivation, positive classroom climate, L2 WTC, with the newly added variable of actual speaking frequency. A hypothesized structural model was examined in two contexts, WTC inside the classroom and WTC outside the classroom. Inside the classroom, communicative confidence was the predictor of L2 WTC. L2 WTC and L2 learning motivation were predictors of actual frequency of L2 communication. Positive classroom climate was a mediating variable that indirectly predicted L2 WTC through state L2 communicative confidence and task motivation. In contrast, outside the classroom, state L2 communicative confidence, L2 learning motivation, and positive classroom climate were the predictors of L2 WTC. State L2 communicative confidence, task motivation, and positive classroom climate were the predictors of actual frequency of L2 communication. The results supported Wen and Clément’s (2003) model and Peng and Woodrow’s (2010) study. Second, Dӧrnyei and Kormos’ (2000) study was replicated to investigate a significant difference for the four types of the students’ speaking behavior between pretest and posttest. A repeated-measures ANOVA was performed for English turns, Japanese turns, English words, and interjections with 13 students (male = 8 and female = 5) aged 18-19. The 13 participants were part of those who completed the first questionnaire. There were no significant differences for the four dependent variables. Finally, a qualitative content analysis was performed using transcribed interview data with nine university students (6 male and 3 female students), who completed the first questionnaire. Ten variables emerged from the interviews. Four variables—teacher support, group cohesiveness, L2 learning motivation, and perceived communicative competence—supported both quantitative (Peng & Woodrow, 2010) and qualitative studies (Cao, 2011; Peng, 2007, 2012). Four additional variables—security of speaking, interlocutors, small group, and topic familiarity—supported qualitative studies by Cao (2011) and Kang (2005). The other two variables—point system and tests—were new variables identified in this study. Positive classroom climate and task motivation (Dӧrnyei & Kormos, 2000) were key variables influencing state L2 communicative confidence, L2 WTC, and L2 Use. As a result, I propose that task motivation and positive classroom climate should be added into MacIntyre et al.’s (1998) L2 WTC model.
Communication and the Body Politic: Hillary Clinton’s 2016 Presidential Campaign in Philadelphia’s Latino CommunityMorris, Nancy, 1953-; Murphy, Patrick D.; Creech, Brian; Suárez, Sandra L. (Temple University. Libraries, 2018)This dissertation contains a qualitative case study of how Hillary Clinton, the Democratic candidate, and her staff, created communication systems to contact Latinos during the 2016 presidential campaign and how these systems operated in Northeast Philadelphia. Three research questions guided these observations: How was political communication produced, disseminated, and decoded through interpersonal, mass, and digital communication by the Democratic candidate, her Latino communication staff, and Northeast Philadelphia Latino residents during the 2016 presidential campaign? What were the functions, norms, and values that structured the political communication systems among the Democratic candidate, her Latino communication staff, and Northeast Philadelphia Latino residents? What were the power relations that informed the interactions between the Democratic candidate, her Latino communication staff, and Northeast Philadelphia Latino residents in the political communication system? For this dissertation, I devised the Political Communication Systems Model, a toolkit to observe and theorize on political communication. Under the grounded theory umbrella, two methods were used to collect data. First, Clinton’s mediated campaign communication was monitored. Second, I worked as a volunteer in a field operations office that Clinton opened in Philadelphia and performed a participant observation. Clinton built a political communication machine to produce a campaign that used a hybrid media system. She hired a large staff to design and execute an "air war" (i.e., radio and TV ads and journalistic coverage), a digital campaign (i.e., distribution of information through websites, blogs, social media, newsletters and text messages), and a "ground game" (i.e., canvassing, phone banking, and online messaging). The Latino campaign was designed to promote liberal values such as globalism, cosmopolitanism, multiculturalism, and diversity, values that shaped her economic and political proposals. The ground game had three main objectives in Northeast Philadelphia: register new voters, create strategies to persuade undecided voters to support Hillary Clinton, and organize the "Get Out the Vote" (GOTV), which consists of convincing people to get out their houses, go to the polling station, and vote. A substantial part of the dissertation focuses on describing and analyzing the ground game in Northeast Philadelphia and offers two significant findings. First, political communication systems need material infrastructures operate. Clinton built a material infrastructure to communicate with residents. This infrastructure was made, primarily, of human bodies that were able to move around the territory and use other communicative technologies smartphones, tablets, and computers. Second, human bodies were also used as symbolic devices. Clinton recruited staffers and volunteers whose bodies embodied values such as diversity, multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism, and globalism. The biographies and trajectories of these individuals projected these values, because they were persons from different parts of Latin America, with diverse cultural and educational backgrounds, and with different experiences of being a U.S. citizen or resident. Finally, the dissertation offers two main contributions. On the one hand, the dissertation expands the Political Communication Systems Model and suggests that the human body is the primary material unit in political communication infrastructures. On the other, this work illustrates how qualitative research can be employed for researching political communication in general, and presidential campaigns in particular.